GMAT Reading Comprehension Discussions

[devanshuraj]

Reading:-

Between the eighth and eleventh centuries A.D., the Byzantine Empire staged an almost unparalleled economic and cultural revival, a recovery that is all the more striking because it followed a long period of severe (5) internal decline. By the early eighth century, the empire had lost roughly two-thirds of the territory it had possessed in the year 600, and its remaining area was being raided by Arabs and Bulgarians, who at times threatened to take Constantinople and extinguish the (10) empire altogether. The wealth of the state and its subjects was greatly diminished, and artistic and literary production had virtually ceased. By the early eleventh century, however, the empire had regained almost half of its lost possessions, its new frontiers were secure, and its (15) influence extended far beyond its borders. The economy had recovered, the treasury was full, and art and scho- larship had advanced. To consider the Byzantine military, cultural, and economic advances as differentiated aspects of a single (20) phenomenon is reasonable. After all, these three forms of progress have gone together in a number of states and civilizations. Rome under Augustus and fifth-century Athens provide the most obvious examples in antiquity. Moreover, an examination of the apparent sequential (25) connections among military, economic, and cultural forms of progress might help explain the dynamics of historical change. The common explanation of these apparent conn- ections in the case of Byzantium would run like this: (30) when the empire had turned back enemy raids on its own territory and had begun to raid and conquer enemy territory, Byzantine resources naturally expanded and more money became available to patronize art and lit- erature. Therefore, Byzantine military achievements led to (35) economic advances, which in turn led to cultural revival. No doubt this hypothetical pattern did apply at times during the course of the recovery. Yet it is not clear that military advances invariably came first. economic advances second, and intellectual advances third. In the (40) 860‟s the Byzantine Empire began to recover from Arab incursions so that by 872 the military balance with the Abbasid Caliphate had been permanently altered in the empire‟s favor. The beginning of the empire‟s economic revival, however, can be placed between 810 and 830. (45) Finally, the Byzantine revival of learning appears to have begun even earlier. A number of notable scholars and writers appeared by 788 and, by the last decade of the eighth century, a cultural revival was in full bloom, a revival that lasted until the fall of Constantinople in (50) 1453.Thus the commonly expected order of military recovery was reversed in Byzantium. In fact, the revival of Byzantine learning may itself have influenced the subsequent economic and military expansion.

According to the author, "The common explanation" (line 28) of connections between economic, military, and cultural development is 

• reasonable, but an antiquated theory of the nature of progress
• equally applicable to the Byzantine case as a whole and to the history of military, economic, and cultural advances in ancient Greece and Rome
• essentially not helpful, because military, economic, and cultural advances are part of a single phenomenon
• revolutionary and too new to have been applied to the history of the Byzantine Empire
• not applicable to the Byzantine revival as a whole, but does perhaps accurately describe limited periods during the revival

[piyush_cat (Piyush Batsya)]

What is your style of solving RC? Do you make structure, pen down key points or just read and go solving questions?

[kalkidev]

A recent ball-catching experiment conducted in space by astronauts on board a space shuttle has led neuro scientists to conclude that the brain contains an internal model of gravity that is both powerful and persistent. At the same time, the experiment provided evidence that the brain can adapt to environments in which the force of downward acceleration is less pronounced than it is on earth.

The experiment’s outcomes suggested that an individual’s understanding of motion is hard-wired from an earthcentric perspective. In the experiment, the astronauts were asked to catch balls released from a spring-loaded cannon. Analyzing data gathered from infrared tracking cameras and electrodes placed on the astronauts’ arms, McIntyre, the experiment’s principal designer, noticed that the astronauts’ anticipation of the ball’s motion was slightly off. Though they were able to catch the ball, the astronauts expected the ball to move faster than it did. He theorized that this over-anticipation is due to the fact that the brain expects the force of the earth’s gravity to act on the ball.

The experiment also demonstrates the brain’s ability to adjust to conditions that run counter to its pre-set wiring. While the astronauts did not adapt to the conditions in space for some time, by day 15 of the experiment, the amplitude of the premature arm movements decreased and a new well-timed arm movement immediately preceded the catch. Upon returning to earth, the astronauts again mis-anticipated the ball’s motion, though this time the ball moved faster than anticipated. However, the astronauts were able to adjust back to the earth’s gravitational effect on the balls much more quickly than they had been able to adapt to the conditions in space.

Many scientists view the findings as a first step in research that could have serious practical benefits. The ability of astronauts to safely explore space and investigate other planets is dependent on understanding the differences between our physical reactions on earth and elsewhere. On another level, understanding timing processes in the body might lead to the development of treatments for coordination problems experienced by individuals with certain types of brain damage.

The primary purpose of the passage is to:     

[kalkidev]

Symptoms of Parkinson’s Disease, such as tremors, are thought to be caused by low dopamine levels in the brain. Current treatments of Parkinson’s disease are primarily reactionary, aiming to replenish dopamine levels after dopamine-producing neurons in the brain have died. Without a more detailed understanding of the behavior of dopamine-producing neurons, it has been impossible to develop treatments that would prevent the destruction of these neurons in Parkinson’s patients.

Recent research provides insight into the inner workings of dopamine-producing neurons, and may lead to a new drug treatment that would proactively protect the neurons from decay. By examining the alpha-synuclein protein in yeast cells, scientists have determined that toxic levels of the protein have a detrimental effect on protein transfer within the cell. More specifically, high levels of alphasynuclein disrupt the flow of proteins from the endoplasmic reticulum, the site of protein production in the cell, to the Golgi apparatus, the component of the cell that modifies and sorts the proteins before sending them to their final destinations within the cell. When the smooth transfer of proteins from the endoplasmic reticulum to the Golgi apparatus is interrupted, the cell dies.

With this in mind, researchers conducted a genetic screen in yeast cells in order to identify any gene that works to reverse the toxic levels of alpha-synuclein in the cell. Researchers discovered that such a gene does in fact exist, and have located the genetic counterpart in mammalian nerve cells, or neurons. This discovery has led to new hopes that drug therapy could potentially activate this gene, thereby suppressing the toxicity of alpha-synuclein in dopamine-producing neurons.

While drug therapy to suppress alpha-synuclein has been examined in yeast, fruitflies, roundworms, and cultures of rat neurons, researchers are hesitant to conclude that such therapies will prove successful on human patients. Alpha-synuclein toxicity seems to be one cause for the death of dopamine-producing neurons in Parkinson’s patients, but other causes may exist. Most scientists involved with Parkinson’s research do agree, however, that such promising early results provide a basis for further testing.

One function of the third paragraph of the passage is to

[kalkidev]

in the two decades between 1910 and 1930, over 
ten percent to the black population of the united states 
left the south, where the preponderance of the black 
population had been located, and migrated to northern 
(5) states, with the largest number moving, it is claimed, 
between 1916 and 1918. it has been frequently assumed, 
but not proved, that the majority of the migrants in 
what has come to be called the great migration came 
from rural areas and were motivated by two concurrent 
(10) factors: the collapse of the cotton industry following 
the boll weevil infestation, which began in 1898, and 
increased demand in the north for labor following 
the cessation of european immigration caused by the 
outbreak of the first world war in 1914. this assump- 
(15) tion has led to the conclusion that the migrants' subse- 
quent lack of economic mobility in the north is tied to 
rural background, a background that implies unfamil- 
iarity with urban living and a lack of industrial skills. 

but the question of who actually left the south has 
(20) never been rigorously investigated. although numerous 
investigations document an exodus from rural southern 
areas to southern cities prior to the great migration. 
no one has considered whether the same migrants then 
moved on to northern cities. in 1910 over 600,000 
(25) black workers, or ten percent of the black work force, 
reported themselves to be engaged in "manufacturing 
and mechanical pursuits," the federal census category 
roughly encompassing the entire industrial sector. the 
great migration could easily have been made up entirely 
(30) of this group and their families. it is perhaps surprising 
to argue that an employed population could be enticed 
to move, but an explanation lies in the labor conditions 
then prevalent in the south. 

about thirty-five percent of the urban black popu- 
(35) lation in the south was engaged in skilled trades. some 
were from the old artisan class of slavery-blacksmiths. 
masons, carpenters-which had had a monopoly of 
certain trades, but they were gradually being pushed 
out by competition, mechanization, and obsolescence, 
(40) the remaining sixty-five percent, more recently urban- 
ized, worked in newly developed industries---tobacco. 
lumber, coal and iron manufacture, and railroads. 
wages in the south, however, were low, and black 
workers were aware, through labor recruiters and the 
(45)black press, that they could earn more even as unskilled 
workers in the north than they could as artisans in the 
south. after the boll weevil infestation, urban black 
workers faced competition from the continuing influx 
of both black and white rural workers, who were driven 
(50) to undercut the wages formerly paid for industrial jobs. 
thus, a move north would be seen as advantageous 
to a group that was already urbanized and steadily 
employed, and the easy conclusion tying their subse- 
quent economic problems in the north to their rural 
background comes into question. 

the primary purpose of the passage is to 

[bhaskar.mrits (Bhaskara Reddy Kasu)]

hiii..puys! I have started my preparation days back.. the problem is i cant carry the book to office, so if u have any PDFs please share..

[devanshuraj]

When Jamaican-born social activist Marcus Garvey came to the United States in 1916, he arrived at precisely the right historical moment. What made the moment right was the return of African American soldiers from the First World War in 1918, which created an ideal constituency for someone with Garvey’s message of unity, pride, and improved conditions for African American communities. Hoping to participate in the traditional American ethos of individual success, many African American people entered the armed forces with enthusiasm, only to find themselves segregated from white troops and subjected to numerous indignities. They returned to a United States that was as segregated as it had been before the war. Considering similar experiences, anthropologist Anthony F. C. Wallace has argued that when a perceptible gap arises between a culture’s expectations and the reality of that culture, the resulting tension can inspire a revitalization movement: an organized, conscious effort to construct a culture that fulfills longstanding expectations. Some scholars have argued that Garvey created the consciousness from which he built, in the 1920s, the largest revitalization movement in African American history. But such an argument only tends to obscure the consciousness of identity, strength, and sense of history that already existed in the African American community. Garvey did not create this consciousness; rather, he gave this consciousness its political expression.

According to the passage, which of the following contributed to Marcus Garvey’s success?

[devanshuraj]

It can be inferred from the passage that the “scholars” mentioned in line 24 believe which of the following to be true?

[devanshuraj]

According to the passage, many African American people joined the armed forces during the First World War for which of the following reasons?

[honey746]

Can anyone pls share some good reading resources for GMAT RCs

[delhitimes (sunny raj)]

Please help me getting free PDF for GMAT RC preparation. I already have Manhattan.Struggle with RC still continues.!!

[raj.devanshu]

Jon Clark’s study of the effect of the modernization of a telephone exchange on exchange maintenance work and workers is a solid contribution to a debate that encompasses two lively issues in the history and sociology of technology: technological determinism and social constructivism.

Clark makes the point that the characteristics of a technology have a decisive influence on job skills and work organization. Put more strongly, technology can be a primary determinant of social and managerial organization. Clark believes this possibility has been obscured by the recent sociological fashion, exemplified by Braverman’s analysis, that emphasizes the way machinery reflects social choices. For Braverman, the shape of a technological system is subordinate to the manager’s desire to wrest control of the labor process from the workers. Technological change is construed as the outcome of negotiations among interested parties who seek to incorporate their own interests into the design and configuration of the machinery. This position represents the new mainstream called social constructivism.

The constructivists gain acceptance by misrepresenting technological determinism: technological determinists are supposed to believe, for example, that machinery imposes appropriate forms of order on society. The alternative to constructivism, in other words, is to view technology as existing outside society, capable of directly influencing skills and work organization.

Clark refutes the extremes of the constructivists by both theoretical and empirical arguments. Theoretically he defines “technology” in terms of relationships between social and technical variables. Attempts to reduce the meaning of technology to cold, hard metal are bound to fail, for machinery is just scrap unless it is organized functionally and supported by appropriate systems of operation and maintenance. At the empirical level Clark shows how a change at the telephone exchange from maintenance-intensive electromechanical switches to semielectronic switching systems altered work tasks, skills, training opportunities, administration, and organization of workers. Some changes Clark attributes to the particular way management and labor unions negotiated the introduction of the technology, whereas others are seen as arising from (50) the capabilities and nature of the technology itself. Thus Clark helps answer the question: “When is social choice decisive and when are the concrete characteristics of technology more important?”

122. Which of the following most accurately describes Clark’s opinion of Braverman’s position?

• (A) He respects its wide-ranging popularity.
• (E) He is sympathetic to its concern about the impact of modern technology on workers.
• (D) He is concerned about its potential to impede the implementation of new technologies.
• (C) He admires the consideration it gives to the attitudes of the workers affected.
• (B) He disapproves of its misplaced emphasis on the influence of managers.

[raj.devanshu]

Jon Clark’s study of the effect of the modernization of a telephone exchange on exchange maintenance work and workers is a solid contribution to a debate that encompasses two lively issues in the history and sociology of technology: technological determinism and social constructivism.

Clark makes the point that the characteristics of a technology have a decisive influence on job skills and work organization. Put more strongly, technology can be a primary determinant of social and managerial organization. Clark believes this possibility has been obscured by the recent sociological fashion, exemplified by Braverman’s analysis, that emphasizes the way machinery reflects social choices. For Braverman, the shape of a technological system is subordinate to the manager’s desire to wrest control of the labor process from the workers. Technological change is construed as the outcome of negotiations among interested parties who seek to incorporate their own interests into the design and configuration of the machinery. This position represents the new mainstream called social constructivism.

The constructivists gain acceptance by misrepresenting technological determinism: technological determinists are supposed to believe, for example, that machinery imposes appropriate forms of order on society. The alternative to constructivism, in other words, is to view technology as existing outside society, capable of directly influencing skills and work organization.

Clark refutes the extremes of the constructivists by both theoretical and empirical arguments. Theoretically he defines “technology” in terms of relationships between social and technical variables. Attempts to reduce the meaning of technology to cold, hard metal are bound to fail, for machinery is just scrap unless it is organized functionally and supported by appropriate systems of operation and maintenance. At the empirical level Clark shows how a change at the telephone exchange from maintenance-intensive electromechanical switches to semielectronic switching systems altered work tasks, skills, training opportunities, administration, and organization of workers. Some changes Clark attributes to the particular way management and labor unions negotiated the introduction of the technology, whereas others are seen as arising from (50) the capabilities and nature of the technology itself. Thus Clark helps answer the question: “When is social choice decisive and when are the concrete characteristics of technology more important?”

122. Which of the following most accurately describes Clark’s opinion of Braverman’s position?

• (E) He is sympathetic to its concern about the impact of modern technology on workers.
• (A) He respects its wide-ranging popularity.
• (B) He disapproves of its misplaced emphasis on the influence of managers.
• (C) He admires the consideration it gives to the attitudes of the workers affected.
• (D) He is concerned about its potential to impede the implementation of new technologies.

[raj.devanshu]

Jon Clark’s study of the effect of the modernization of a telephone exchange on exchange maintenance work and workers is a solid contribution to a debate that encompasses two lively issues in the history and sociology of technology: technological determinism and social constructivism.

Clark makes the point that the characteristics of a technology have a decisive influence on job skills and work organization. Put more strongly, technology can be a primary determinant of social and managerial organization. Clark believes this possibility has been obscured by the recent sociological fashion, exemplified by Braverman’s analysis, that emphasizes the way machinery reflects social choices. For Braverman, the shape of a technological system is subordinate to the manager’s desire to wrest control of the labor process from the workers. Technological change is construed as the outcome of negotiations among interested parties who seek to incorporate their own interests into the design and configuration of the machinery. This position represents the new mainstream called social constructivism.

The constructivists gain acceptance by misrepresenting technological determinism: technological determinists are supposed to believe, for example, that machinery imposes appropriate forms of order on society. The alternative to constructivism, in other words, is to view technology as existing outside society, capable of directly influencing skills and work organization.

Clark refutes the extremes of the constructivists by both theoretical and empirical arguments. Theoretically he defines “technology” in terms of relationships between social and technical variables. Attempts to reduce the meaning of technology to cold, hard metal are bound to fail, for machinery is just scrap unless it is organized functionally and supported by appropriate systems of operation and maintenance. At the empirical level Clark shows how a change at the telephone exchange from maintenance-intensive electromechanical switches to semielectronic switching systems altered work tasks, skills, training opportunities, administration, and organization of workers. Some changes Clark attributes to the particular way management and labor unions negotiated the introduction of the technology, whereas others are seen as arising from (50) the capabilities and nature of the technology itself. Thus Clark helps answer the question: “When is social choice decisive and when are the concrete characteristics of technology more important?”

122. Which of the following most accurately describes Clark’s opinion of Braverman’s position?

• (E) He is sympathetic to its concern about the impact of modern technology on workers.
• (B) He disapproves of its misplaced emphasis on the influence of managers.
• (A) He respects its wide-ranging popularity.
• (D) He is concerned about its potential to impede the implementation of new technologies.
• (C) He admires the consideration it gives to the attitudes of the workers affected.

[raj.devanshu]

Jon Clark’s study of the effect of the modernization of a telephone exchange on exchange maintenance work and workers is a solid contribution to a debate that encompasses two lively issues in the history and sociology of technology: technological determinism and social constructivism.

Clark makes the point that the characteristics of a technology have a decisive influence on job skills and work organization. Put more strongly, technology can be a primary determinant of social and managerial organization. Clark believes this possibility has been obscured by the recent sociological fashion, exemplified by Braverman’s analysis, that emphasizes the way machinery reflects social choices. For Braverman, the shape of a technological system is subordinate to the manager’s desire to wrest control of the labor process from the workers. Technological change is construed as the outcome of negotiations among interested parties who seek to incorporate their own interests into the design and configuration of the machinery. This position represents the new mainstream called social constructivism.

The constructivists gain acceptance by misrepresenting technological determinism: technological determinists are supposed to believe, for example, that machinery imposes appropriate forms of order on society. The alternative to constructivism, in other words, is to view technology as existing outside society, capable of directly influencing skills and work organization.

Clark refutes the extremes of the constructivists by both theoretical and empirical arguments. Theoretically he defines “technology” in terms of relationships between social and technical variables. Attempts to reduce the meaning of technology to cold, hard metal are bound to fail, for machinery is just scrap unless it is organized functionally and supported by appropriate systems of operation and maintenance. At the empirical level Clark shows how a change at the telephone exchange from maintenance-intensive electromechanical switches to semielectronic switching systems altered work tasks, skills, training opportunities, administration, and organization of workers. Some changes Clark attributes to the particular way management and labor unions negotiated the introduction of the technology, whereas others are seen as arising from (50) the capabilities and nature of the technology itself. Thus Clark helps answer the question: “When is social choice decisive and when are the concrete characteristics of technology more important?”

122. Which of the following most accurately describes Clark’s opinion of Braverman’s position?

• (E) He is sympathetic to its concern about the impact of modern technology on workers.
• (A) He respects its wide-ranging popularity.
• (B) He disapproves of its misplaced emphasis on the influence of managers.
• (C) He admires the consideration it gives to the attitudes of the workers affected.
• (D) He is concerned about its potential to impede the implementation of new technologies.

[anubhav22 (Anubhav Sahni)]

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[kalkidev]

The general density dependence model can be applied to explain the founding of specialist firms (those attempting to serve a narrow target market). According to this model, specialist foundings hinge on the interplay between legitimation and competitive forces, both of which are functions of the density (total number) of firms in a particular specialist population. Legitimation occurs as a new type of firm moves from being viewed as unfamiliar to being viewed as a natural way to organize. At low density levels, each founding increases legitimation, reducing barriers to entry and easing subsequent foundings. Competition occurs because the resources that firms seek - customers, suppliers, and employees - are limited, but as long as density is low relative to plentiful resources, the addition of another firm has a negligible impact on the intensity of competition. At high density levels, however, competitive effects outweigh legitimation effects, discouraging foundings. The more numerous the competitors, the fiercer the competition will be and the smaller will be the incentive for new firms to enter the field. 

While several studies have found a significant correspondence between the density dependence model and actual patterns of foundings, other studies have found patterns not consistent with the model. A possible explanation for this inconsistency is that legitimation and competitive forces transcend national boundaries, while studies typically restrict their analysis to the national level. Thus a national-level analysis can understate the true legitimation and competitive forces as well as the number of foundings in an industry that is internationally integrated. Many industries are or are becoming international, and since media and information easily cross national borders, so should legitimation and its effects on overseas foundings. For example, if a type of firm becomes established in the United States, that information transcends borders, reduces uncertainties, and helps foundings of that type of firm in other countries. Even within national contexts, studies have found more support for the density dependence model when they employ broader geographic units of analysis - for example, finding that the model's operation is seen more clearly at the state and national levels than at city levels. 

The primary purpose of the passage is to 
(A) question the validity of an economic model 
(B) point out some inconsistencies within an economic model 
(C) outline an economic model and suggest revisions to it 
(D) describe an economic model and provide specific examples to illustrate its use 
(E) explain why an economic model remains valid despite inconsistent research results 

[officialgmat]

Preparation is key to GMAT success. Current practice question topic: Reading Comprehension - http://www.mba.com/global/service/my-account/my-gmat-practice-question.aspx?CID=52C854E5-EE54-445D-9DE8-7ECE596B4612&WT.mc_id=55.00825%3futm_campaign%3dGlobal_All_Social-Practice-Questions_26Jan2016&utm_medium=social&utm_source=https://www.pagalguy.com/discussions/gmat-reading-comprehension-discussions-25020701

[samvee]

 

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[v.karmokar (vish)]

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